The author is a public affairs professor and director of the Center of Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA) at Istanbul Sabahattin Zaim University.  

ISTANBUL

Blockades rest on two pillars—narrative and force. For nearly two decades, the Zionist regime’s naval cordon around Gaza has leaned on both: the story that sealing off 2.3 million Gazans is a “security measure” and the gunboats that give that story teeth. Into that space sails the Global Sumud Flotilla: not a navy, but a counter-narrative with international reach; a civil society convoy insisting that genocide is unacceptable, that starving a civilian population is not a policy but a crime, and that the sea still belongs to all free people.

The convoy [1] sailed this week from Barcelona; among those aboard are figures whose presence forces cameras—and governments—to take note.  

History matters 

This is not the first attempt to break a suffocating siege in place against Gaza since 2007. In August 2008, two small boats—Free Gaza and Liberty—slipped past the cordon and docked in Gaza, the first such arrival in decades, defying bellicose Israeli policy. That success showed that willpower can prevail over brute military force. Between 2008 and 2016, activists launched more than 30 voyages [2]; a handful reached Gaza, but most were intercepted.

The most infamous interdiction came in May 2010, when the Zionist regime’s belligerent naval forces stormed the Mavi Marmara in international waters [3], killing ten Turkish activists. The killings etched a simple truth into public memory: ships carrying civilians can be met with lethal force even far from shore, with little regard for international law.

The pattern continued: the Women’s Boat to Gaza (Zaytouna-Oliva) was seized [4] in 2016; the al-Awda (Return) was intercepted [5] in 2018; and this summer, Israeli forces again stormed Gaza-bound vessels, Madleen and Handala. [6, 7] If the flotillas are acts of solidarity and conscience, they have been met with raids at sea and punitive reprisals—force first, justification later.

Could the Sumud flotilla be different? Perhaps—because the context is different. The world is witnessing a catastrophic genocidal campaign and a policy of deliberate deprivation in Gaza. The humanitarian abyss is now widely recognized, yet international action has lagged—not least because of US complicity and cover. Millions demand an end to mass killings, a lifted siege, open corridors, and a ban on starvation as a weapon. [8, 9]

Second, the coalition behind this flotilla is wider and more global than in 2010: municipal leaders, labor movements, activists, artists, social media networks, and faith groups are aligning in practical ways—chartering, joining, escorting, and, crucially, leveraging port power. In Genoa, for example, dockworkers warned [10] they would halt Israel-bound cargo if the convoy were attacked. That is not symbolism; that is labor power—and power moves policy.

Third, media asymmetry is shrinking. In 2010, the world learned about the raid after the fact. In 2025, live feeds, Automatic Identification System (AIS) trackers, and international crews make disappearances harder. When civil fleets become floating press boxes, the cost of interdiction rises. Even mainstream wires now frame [11] Sumud as the largest maritime attempt yet to deliver aid since the blockade began.

What should governments do? Act with clear, measurable steps.

First, protect the corridor. States with blue-water naval capacity should announce that interference with clearly marked humanitarian convoys in international waters will trigger graduated consequences: port-state controls, arms-export suspensions, targeted sanctions, and, where necessary, naval escort and observer presence to deter harm to civilians.

Second, name the policy. Parliaments should adopt findings that the starvation policy and a permanent crippling siege constitute unlawful collective punishment and are war crimes.

Third, back redundancy. Support parallel lanes—maritime convoys, land convoys via Rafah, and air drops. All should be activated simultaneously so that no single veto by a fascist state can override the world’s will and starve a population.

What can civil society do? Four steps scale quickly: demand immediate governmental protection for the flotilla; pair every ship with a twin-port coalition of unions, activists, faith groups, and municipalities ready to delay Israel-bound cargo if the convoy is attacked; organize sustained protests at Israeli embassies and consulates, pressing for isolation and breaking off ties; and place legal observer teams and real-time documentation aboard. If the Zionist regime escalates, civil society activists should escalate and apply more pressure in response.

What about Türkiye? Ankara has a unique position in this context. Many of those who lost their lives on the Mavi Marmara were Turkish. The operator, IHH [12], is based in Türkiye, and the Eastern Mediterranean is a region of direct relevance to Türkiye. This history is not only a source of sorrow but also a reminder of the need for stronger international mechanisms: ensuring the safety of participants, coordinating with coastal states, advancing a UN-mandated humanitarian sea lane, and preventing further tragedies at sea. Türkiye, together with other countries, may consider possible measures to help ensure the safe passage of civilian aid ships in international waters.​​​​​​​

In the end, "Sumud," or "Resilience," is a word that became a fleet: steadfastness honoring a human spirit that insists not only on survival but also on celebrating life and human resolve. It does not pretend to solve Gaza’s predicament but insists that humanity, conscience, and solidarity dictate action. The right to food, water, medicine, life, and freedom cannot be bargained away. The last time the world looked away, people died on a dark deck in the high seas. This time, the horizon is crowded with cameras—and with citizens who have learned that neutrality in the face of genocide and famine is not neutrality, but complicity.

The choice before governments is plain: protect and defend what’s left of the world’s humanity and order, or explain to your own publics why you let it sink.  

[1] https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/9/1/the-global-sumud-flotilla-to-gaza-everything-you-need-to-know-2

[2] https://www.freegaza.org/trips/

[3] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/jun/04/gaza-flotilla-activists-autopsy-results

[4] https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/10/6/israel-intercepts-boat-seeking-to-break-gaza-blockade

[5] https://english.wafa.ps/Pages/Details/94976

[6] https://www.paturkey.com/news/2025/freedom-flotilla-boat-madleen-boarded-by-israeli-forces-amid-tense-standoff-at-sea-21339/

[7] https://freedomflotilla.org/2025/07/26/israeli-military-attacks-handala-in-international-waters/

[8] https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/10/18/israel-unlawful-gaza-blockade-deadly-children

[9] https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/10/israel-opt-israel-must-lift-illegal-and-inhumane-blockade-on-gaza-as-power-plant-runs-out-of-fuel/

[10] https://omni.se/hamnarbetare-hotar-att-stanga-europa-for-israel-om-gazafartygen-hindras/a/zAnBor

[11] https://apnews.com/article/gaza-israel-palestinians-war-hamas-thunberg-7599488c66456a4f74aed1cadc0cee5d

[12] https://ihh.org.tr/en/mavi-marmara

*Opinions expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Anadolu's editorial policy.