- 'As long as Netanyahu fits their (Gen Z) goals, he’s okay. But if they think he’s not doing his best to do what they want him to do, they won’t feel like they owe him anything,’ says Ori Goldberg
ISTANBUL
As Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza enters a third devastating year, a new generation of Israelis is drifting sharply to the right, driven less by ideology than by populist nationalism, social media-fueled militarism, and the normalization of violence under wartime conditions.
Where earlier settler movements were motivated by theology or Zionist ideology, Israel’s Generation Z is animated by emotion, resentment, and a culture of spectacle – and analysts warn this shift could redefine Israel’s political culture for decades.
“Settler communities are very much ideologically driven,” said Israeli analyst Ori Goldberg. “But the younger generation is influenced by populist rhetoric from people like (Israeli National Security Minister) Itamar Ben-Gvir.”
Rather than promoting a clear political vision, Goldberg argued, the new radicalism channels populist rage. “(Ben-Gvir) wants to punish the Palestinians … He doesn’t have any clear vision of what kind of country he wants.”
Public opinion shaped by violence
Polls and studies support this observation, with one 2022 survey by the Israel Democracy Institute (IDI) finding that 73% of Israelis aged 18-24 identified as politically right-wing.
More recent polls show an Israel deeply shaped by militarism. In an IDI survey marking one year of Israel’s offensive, 39% of Jewish respondents supported direct Israeli control over Gaza after the war, while 40% preferred an international force. Only 8% favored restoring authority to the Palestinian Authority.
Another IDI poll in July 2025 found that 78% of Jewish Israelis believed their military was making efforts to avoid civilian casualties in Gaza. At the same time, nearly half of Israelis said security agencies were too lenient in responding to settler violence against Palestinians.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s personal standing, however, remains fragile.
A February 2025 IDI poll found that 72.5% of Israelis said he should take responsibility for the October 2023 attacks and resign – either immediately or after the war. Among Jewish respondents, 45% wanted his immediate resignation, compared to 59% of Arab respondents.
The findings seemed to suggest that even among Netanyahu’s base, dissatisfaction stems not from moral opposition to the war, but from frustration that it has not gone far enough.
Over the past two years, Israel has killed nearly 67,200 Palestinians in Gaza, most of them women and children, and wounded nearly 170,000, according to figures from Palestinian authorities.
A UN independent international commission of inquiry concluded last month that Israel is committing genocide in the enclave, where its siege and blockade on all essentials have also triggered a famine that has killed more than 460 Palestinians, including over 150 children.
Prior to the commission, other UN experts and watchdogs such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the International Association of Genocide Scholars had categorized Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide, citing mass killings, starvation policies and aid blockades.
Perils of populism
Goldberg emphasized that what once was taboo – expulsion, domination, collective punishment of Palestinians – has entered mainstream discourse in Israel.
“The stuff that was in our collective subconscious suddenly became the norm,” he said, describing how extreme rhetoric and wartime imagery have become part of daily life.
On social media, young Israeli soldiers post videos of drone strikes, raids, and destruction – turning warfare into a digital performance. Violence has been gamified.
Though religious radicalism remains a key driver of the far right, Goldberg emphasized that populist nationalism now transcends religious boundaries. “The religious right is very sectorial,” he said. “Populism is different. It has greater appeal.”
This populist energy feeds into what Goldberg describes as “a volatile, explosive movement” that lacks ideological coherence or hierarchy.
“Populism doesn’t need orderly leadership,” he said. “It thrives on emotion and resentment.”
For Netanyahu, the younger generation seems to show strong but conditional loyalty. “As long as Netanyahu fits their goals, he’s okay,” said Goldberg.
“But if they think he’s not doing his best to do what they want him to do, they won’t feel like they owe him anything.”
Goldberg warned that the next election could push Israeli politics even further to the right. “More extremist politics, certainly on the right, already starting with the next election,” he predicted.
