The author is a defense researcher at the SETA Foundation and a PhD candidate in the Department of International Relations at Middle East Technical University.
ISTANBUL
Türkiye is well known for its “drone diplomacy," driven by combat success, surging foreign interest, and an export-oriented approach. However, recent developments point to the subtle emergence of Turkish naval diplomacy, likely a byproduct of significant investments in national naval capabilities and a growing political will to leverage sea power in peacetime. Türkiye’s recent use of naval assets suggests that this naval diplomacy could become a key instrument for advancing its expanding foreign policy interests, aimed at diversifying its relations and elevating its international standing. This will result in the Turkish Navy operating well beyond the Mediterranean in the coming decade.
The concept of naval diplomacy, while historically recognized, is still debated. At its core, it refers to the use of naval force for non-violent or political means. One way to define it is the application of naval capabilities to further national objectives, such as deterring potential adversaries, supporting and reassuring allies, or showcasing naval strength.
Traditionally, only great powers had the capacity to project naval power across vast maritime regions. For example, the US regularly deploys carrier strike groups across the world's oceans. However, even nations with more modest capabilities are now adopting naval diplomacy, as evidenced by Italy’s recent deployment of a carrier strike group to the Indo-Pacific.
Deployment of TCG Kinaliada
Türkiye’s recent deployment of one of its most modern warships to the Far East highlights this emerging naval diplomacy, although it is still way humbler than Italy’s. In late August, the Turkish Ada-class corvette TCG Kinaliada completed a four-and-a-half-month voyage to the Far East, visiting 23 ports across 19 countries. The primary goal was to commemorate the 100th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Türkiye and Japan, as well as the tragic sinking of Frigate Ertugrul off Japan's coast. However, throughout the journey, TCG Kinaliada also conducted joint exercises, hosted senior officials, and showcased Türkiye’s naval and industrial capabilities—key aspects acknowledged in a statement from the Turkish Ministry of Defense. Notably, many of the countries visited either use or have expressed interest in purchasing Turkish defense products.
TCG Kinaliada’s journey included joint exercises with navies from Japan, South Korea, Egypt, and several others. It also participated in counter-piracy operations off the coast of Somalia and the Gulf of Aden as part of the Combined Task Force 151 (CTF-151), a multinational naval task force established by the United Nations Security Council in 2009. Meanwhile, Türkiye assumed command of the task force for the seventh time in July. Turkish Navy special operations forces, including the SAT (underwater offense) and SAS (underwater defense) units, also took part in the exercises, contributing with their extensive experience in counter-terrorism, amphibious operations, and mine clearance.
Turkish naval industry and its geopolitical implications
Türkiye’s emerging naval diplomacy is undoubtedly fueled by a significant boost in naval capabilities, much of it developed domestically. The recent commissioning of the TCG Piri Reis, which is the country’s first air-independent propulsion (AIP) submarine, exemplifies this progress. The Kınalıada itself is a product of Türkiye’s growing naval industry, equipped with domestically developed systems such as the Atmaca anti-ship missile, Advent combat management system, and Stamp remote-controlled weapon system. Within a short time, Ada-class corvettes which TCG Kinaliada belongs to, have been sold to Ukraine, Pakistan, and Malaysia.
In terms of geopolitics, since the onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Turkish Navy has played a crucial role in securing the Black Sea. Through the Joint Coordination Centre, Türkiye worked with Ukrainian and Russian counterparts to implement the "grain deal.” Originally aimed at mitigating the global food crisis exacerbated by the war, one should note that the initiative also contributed to stability in the Black Sea by fostering cooperation between warring parties. Currently, the Turkish Navy plays a key role in countering the rising threat of naval mines in the Black Sea through the Mine Countermeasures Group, established in partnership with Romania and Bulgaria while between Sept. 20 and 29, the Turkish Navy held Nusret-2024 Exercise with participants from Romania, Bulgaria, Spain, Italy, and Greece to detect and eliminate the mine threat in both the Black Sea and the Aegean Sea.
Looking ahead, Türkiye’s naval diplomacy is likely to become a central pillar in shaping its international standing and expanding its influence well beyond the Mediterranean. The combination of political will, advanced naval capabilities, and strategic deployments underscores Türkiye’s ambition to emerge as a significant maritime power. In August, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan announced that his country would begin constructing TF-2000 soon, Türkiye’s first air-defense warfare destroyer, as well as planning to build an aircraft carrier. Additionally, three more AIP (Reis-class) submarines, three more frigates (Istif-class), and ten Hisar-class offshore patrol vessels are currently being built, among other projects. Enhanced forward basing, potentially in locations such as Qatar, Somalia, or Libya, would further extend the navy’s operational reach. According to recent reports, Türkiye will deploy two frigates and an energy research vessel off the coast of Somalia, aligned with a recent oil and gas exploration agreement.
As the Turkish Navy expands its operations, from the Black Sea to the Far East, it will not only project power but also facilitate diplomatic and economic engagements with key international players. Historically recognized for its formidable land forces, Türkiye’s evolving naval strategy marks a significant shift in how the country employs its military to achieve its foreign and defense policy objectives in peace and wartimes.
*Opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Anadolu's editorial policy.
