* The author is Anadolu Agency correspondent and a research fellow in history at University of Rome "Tor Vergata." His research interests include nationalism studies, transnational history, North American studies, modern Greek studies, Turkish / Ottoman studies, and Turkish foreign policy.
ANKARA
In the speech he delivered on the eve of Russia's war on Ukraine, President Vladimir Putin stressed the historical and religious ties between the two countries and asserted that one of Moscow's aims was to defend Orthodox Christianity.
Russia, in line with its centuries-old imperialist tradition, has maintained a special relationship with the Patriarchate in Moscow. Interrupted only by 74 years of socialism, this has been a means to help consolidate the legitimacy of Russian rule and exert influence on Orthodox populations of other countries, including the former Soviet republics. He has also used Christianity to boost support among Western conservative, populist parties and politicians, such as Marine Le Pen of France, Czech President Milos Zeman, the AfD of Germany, and even the Evangelical sub-group within the Republican Party in the US.
Diana Butler Bass, a well-known American historian of Christianity, argued that Putin had successfully co-opted Orthodox Christianity into his imperial agenda, received enthusiastically by some quarters in the West. She maintains that American evangelicals, Catholic traditionalists in Western countries, and Orthodox Christians under the auspices of the Russian Church tended to push for a common front against three major enemies -- decadent secularism, a rising China, and Islam -- for the glorious rebirth of moral purity and Christian culture.
Orthodox churches divided on Ukraine war
Putin's decision to go to war with Ukraine seems to have caused further rifts in the Orthodox Christian world already divided by the formation of an autonomous Orthodox Church of Ukraine in 2018, recognized by the Fener Greek Orthodox Patriarch in Istanbul, which Moscow accused of acting in line with American foreign policy goals.
In the face of the war, religious leaders in the Orthodox, which includes both Ukraine and Russia, have expressed worry towards the church's growing internal divisions.
As expected, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine has taken strong line against Russia. Metropolitan Epiphanius I, the Church's primate, not only urged the world to stop "Russian and Belarusian aggression," but also asked for prayers for a Ukrainian victory.
The Russian Orthodox Church's wartime policy, meanwhile, can be characterized with Patriarch Kirill's prayer for the unity of Slavic lands, in which he included Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine, as well as for the unity of the Churches of Ukraine and Russia in the face of "temptations, diabolical attacks, provocations."
What was rather unexpected was the show of support for Kyiv by the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, which remained loyal to the Patriarchate of Moscow after the Church of Ukraine split in 2018. Metropolitan Onufriy described Russia's launch of the war as "tragic" and urged Ukrainians to show their love for their homeland and pray for their army's success.
Pointing out to the common Slavic and Orthodox heritage between Ukrainians and Russians, he said the war between them is a repetition of the biblical murder of Abel by his brother Cain, the firstborn son of Adam and Eve.
One of the most influential powerhouses Orthodox Christianity, the Fener Greek Orthodox Patriarch in Istanbul, also slammed the Russian war on Ukraine. Patriarch Bartholomew I described it as an "unprovoked attack on an independent and sovereign European state" and warned that it would cause major loss of life and human rights violations.
This stance towards Russia was repeated by Archbishop Elpidophoros of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America, calling the war "Vladimir Putin's brutal invasion of Ukraine," while Archbishop Makarios of Australia labeled it "an unprovoked attack" and an "unacceptable decision."
The head of the Orthodox Church in Georgia, Patriarch Illia II, said his own country knew from "bitter experience" the importance of territorial integrity. Georgia fought its own war against Russia in 2008 over the breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
Still, it is worth noting that not all Orthodox spiritual leaders were as vigorous in taking such an overtly anti-Russian stance. Confirming Russia's influence in parts of the pan-Orthodox space, some churches refrained from taking a clear political position. For instance, Patriarch Theophilos III of Jerusalem expressed sorrow over the war without naming Russia, calling Christians to prayer for the people of Ukraine.
Similarly, the Serbian Orthodox Church opted to underline the fraternal relations between the Ukrainians and Russians, urging dialogue. Without pointing a finger at Russia, the patriarchate called the ongoing war "a painful act." Likewise, the Bulgarian Orthodox Church also put emphasis on the common religious ties. In a statement, Patriarch Neophyte called the war a "military conflict in Ukraine" and asked for prays to stop the bloodshed.
Russia's war on Ukraine has once again revealed the Orthodox world's fault lines defined by profane factors rather than theological differences. Even when the guns fall silent between Ukraine and Russia, the positions of the various Orthodox Churches will have been noted and the intra-Orthodox divisions at risk of widening further.
* Opinions expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Anadolu Agency.
